ENG 331H1S
Drama to 1603
Professor Matthew Sergi
Henry Lawson
ARCHIVAL RESEARCH
Drunk
& Disorderly in the County of Cheshire
Key
Words: drunk and disorderly, alcohol, rush-bearing, bear-beating, crime
In the play of Noah’s Flood, part of the
Chester Cycle (c. 1422-1575), Noah’s wife defies his assertion that they must
take to their boat as to avoid drowning and instead remarks;
‘Here
is a pottle full of malmsey good and strong;
It will
rejoice
Both
heart and tongue.
Though
Noah think us never so long,
Yet we
will drink atite.’ (BAMD 223)
We
must consider that the Chester plays are Biblical games – entertainment – rather than the stuff of sermon. Noah’s wife
provides some of the playfulness which would come to define the festivities.
There is a clear blurring of carnival and performance and she calls upon the
audience to join her when she says ‘we will drink atite’. The players encourage
drinking, and this celebratory air invoked my study of drinking as a cultural
institution in Chester, and what the problems associated with it were. Drunkenness, and disorderliness, was common
at the Inns of Court amongst actors following a performance, but who caused the
problems in Chester? Is drinking, as it is today, both a unifying centre for
culture and a locus of disorder, crime and violence?
In the REED
Appendix’s Selective List of Musicians and Musical Performers, it is
fascinating to learn that each musicians musical instrument of choice is
mentioned only as a side note to what is their defining characteristic; their
crimes. John Beaumont, a piper, is recorded on the 20 July 1602 for ‘Drunk and
Disorderly’ (REED 945) behavior, but his hometown is unknown (the REEDS volume
reads ‘unlocated’) (REED 945). The record of William Bradbury, also a piper and
‘unlocated’ is exactly the same – guilty of ‘Drunk and Disorderly’ offenses on
20 July 1602 (REED 945).
The
entries are entirely separate, and there is nothing we can use to ascribe a definite
correlation, but it seems incredibly coincidental. The list of musicians,
remembered for their offences rather than their artistry, illuminates something
that underlay my research into Chester’s drunk and disorderly. The records of
those who drink and commit crime are particular almost totally to musicians,
bear-beaters and vagabonds associated with rush-bearing festivals. Rush-bearing
‘often attracted unsavoury
characters, such as pedlars, cutpurses and pickpockets, and became a pretext
for heavy drinking in otherwise quiet communities’ (Laroque 157) whilst the problem of inappropriate entertainment regarding
wakes and love-ales lead to, in 1588, the justices of the peace in England
giving instruction to ensure that every parish church forbade such events.
Records
for drunkenness and disorderliness are curiously absent in the most part before
1603, despite the evidence of Beaumont and Bradbury which proves that
alcohol-related problems existed. Most of my research, therefore, is located in
the seventeenth century. On 22 April 1616, a letter written by a William Glegg
and addressed to a Peter Mainwaring describes Ralph Holland as ‘a
Common haunter of ale howses, but also found tipplinge & drinkinge in an
ale howse with a pyper to make him mirrie withal, at after xij of the Clocke in
the night tyme’ (REED 472). This record, in conjunction with another
remembering that Holland was disciplined on 3 June 1612 ‘for keepeinge a disordered howse and prophaninge the Sabboath
daie with danceinge pypinge drunkenness and such Lude Exercises’ (REED 664),
illuminate that perpetrators were not only particular to categories of people:
musicians, bearbeaters, rush-bearers, but that those guilty of one offense can often
be found elsewhere in the volumes for similar acts.
The people who crop up are seemingly ostracised from society.
Although drinking is encouraged and is surely deep-rooted in Chester’s culture,
those who breach the societal expectations of time and place for drunkenness
are deemed ‘Roagues and idle Wandringe beggers, which pester the neighboures
exceedingly’ (REED 846). Two years later the most common location for
inappropriate activity, a rush-bearing, is married with a bear-beater. The High
Constable’s Presentments for Eddisbury Hundred remembers John Belward ‘for a
drunckard’, ‘for a horible blasphemer’ (REED 960); ‘a wandering rouge’
disciplined ‘for beating his bea[t]res at Bunbury at Saint Iames tyde at the Rusbearing there being never non before,
contrary to kinges booke’ (REED 960).
The records
continue in using alcohol, or alcoholism, to ostracize members of the public.
The Quartier Sessions Petition for the County of Cheshire on 10 October 1620
documents ‘That one Randull Houfeild (who is a Common drunkard & a
dissolute lyver hauinge noe certeyne place of aboade)’ (REED 849). His ‘hauinge
noe certeyne place of aboade’ seems to work against him, and efforts to help to
homeless are altogether absent in the volumes. The issue of rowdy bear-beaters
persists over time and place in the Chester volumes. In Malpas, 1625, on 25
April, the Crown Book reads such; ‘we do present that Roger Yardley of malpas
selleth ale without lycence & keepeth a disordered house with bearewardes
& bearebaytes where Iohn Calcot was slayne.’ (REED 720) This too
illuminates the only other sector of people accused of alcohol-related crime
and that is those who ‘selleth ale without lycence’. Of course, unlegislated
sales only become apparent with the presence of anarchy on their grounds, so
the locus of alcohol problems in Chester remain with bear-beaters and the
homeless.
Further
into the seventeenth century, however, the problem shifts somewhat from
‘dossolute and Idle persons’ (Hale, January 9 1637, Quartier Sessions Warrants,
REED 684), ‘Incorrigible Rouges’ who ‘agreate Terrour to the Neighborhoode’
(REED 684), to the innkeepers themselves. This suggests a tighter lawful system
regarding the sale, and consumption, of alcohol heading towards the modern day.
On 3 April 1638 the Quartier Sessions Indictments the Cunstables of Neither
Knuttesfod ‘Complaine against Thomas Gleaue butcher for keeping of a disordered
house and beinge druncke in or about the first daye of marche last past and
alsoe for profaneige the name of god by seuerall bludy othes as alsoe for
Interteninge of an vnlicensed belward with beares and Causinge him to baite his
said bares within his backside’ (REED 693). Clearly, the issue of ‘vnlicensed
belward[s] with beares’ continues, alongside the strict laws against blasphemy,
but alongside this stems a system, perhaps more fairly, critical of those who
house troublesome individuals.
It is interesting to see the
presence of drunkenness and subsequent disorder continue beyond the Chester
Cycle’s discontinuation. It was quashed with the rise of Protestantism and the
final record of its production is 1575. It provides an example of a cultural
event welcoming alcohol consumption, an example which exists in stark contrast
to the musicians and bear-beaters who are criticised for their drinking for
many years afterwards. Drinking has an association with anarchy, and I argue that
it is used to frame members of the public deemed surplus to societal
requirements. The suggestion of collective drinking in the play of Noah’s
Flood, coupled with the two counts of drunk and disorderly crime in 1602, gives
heed to the claim drunkenness and disorderliness did not start to occur in the
seventeenth century. It seems unlikely such a culture would spring from
nowhere, and the lack of evidence from the sixteenth century only problematizes
archival research, and provokes questions of where the records for drinking
were lost, why they were lost and who lost them.
Works
Cited
The Broadview Anthology
of Medieval Drama. Eds. Fitzgerald and
Sebastian. Broadview Press: Toronto,
2013. Print.
Laroque, François, Shakespeare's
festive world: Elizabethan seasonal entertainment and the professional stage.
Cambridge. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1993. Print.
Records
of Early English Drama: Cheshire including Chester. Ed. Elizabeth Baldwin, Lawrence M. Clopper, and David Mills.
University of Toronto Press: Toronto, 2007. Print.
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